John F Kennedy

John F. Kennedy

Blaize Hite
Mr. Nelson
Modern American Studies, Period 1
5 Novermber 1996

John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May 29, 1917 in the Boston suburb of
Brookline. Kennedy was the son of Joseph P. Kennedy a formerambassador to Great
Britain. Kennedy was much like his father, possesing a delightful sense of
humor, a strong family loyalty, a concern for the state of the nation, endless
vitality and a constant air of confidence no matter how dire the situation
(Kennedy, Sorensen, Harper & Row, New York 1965, Page 18). Growing up in a
priviliged household and graduating with honors from Harvard. He served as an
assistant to his father (1938), naval officer (1941-1945), journalist (1941 and
1945) and Congressman (1947-1953), he had traveled to every major continent and
talked with the presidents and prime ministers, of some thirty-seven countries.
In 1952 he was elected to the United States Senate and in 1953 he married
Jaqueline Bouvier. However one year later a spinal operation brought him to the
edge of death's door, causing him to deeply reflect on his character (Sorensen
28). After his dangerous operation he researched and wrote a book, about
democracy. The next year narrowly missing the Vice Presidential nomination of
his party, Kennedy emerged as a national figure in large demand.

"John Kennedy was not one of the Senate's great leaders" (Sorensen 43).
Very few laws of great importance bear his name. Even after his initial "
traditionally' inactive freshman year in the Senate, his chances for major
contributions to the Senate excluding his stances on fair labor reform and
against rackets, were constantly diminished of his Presidential campaign. His
voting record reflects his open minded views, and strengthed beliefs. He was
well liked and respected by many Senators. Kennedy was regarded for his
eagerness and cool logic in debate situations His only real "enemy" was Senator
Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin (Sorensen 45).McCarthy's rough and wide-ranging
hunts for Red, "pinks" and headlines had stomped on the freedoms of people who
had not committed a crime, and Kennedy was too rational and reasonable a man to
remain indiferent to the extremism known as Mcarthyism. Kennedy often was a
thorn in McCarthy's side obstructing many of McCarthy's personal choices for
various offices and by serving on certain committies of which McCarthy was
chairman, such as the Government Operations Committee (Sorensen 46).

Kennedy's political philosophy revoloved around the idea that one could
not allow the pressures of party responisbility to cloud ones personal
responsibility. Meaning after all was said and done that the decision falls upon
yourself to make the choice regardless of what your party platform was. Of
course the platfrom had significant merit, nevertheless it still came down to
the individual. "Democrats, he said, generally had more heart, more foresight
and more energy. They were not satisfied with things as they were and believed
they could make them better" (Sorensen 71).

"John F. Kennedy wanted someday to be President of the United States"
(Sorensen 95). Not becuase he was dissatisfied with his life as a Senator nor
because he possessed some grand scheme for the future of America. He merely
felt that it was the center of action of the American System. "at least you
have an opportunity to do something about all the probelms which. . . I would be
concerned about [anyway] as a father or as a citizen. . . and if what you do is
useful and succesful, then . . . that is a great satisfaction" (Sorensen 95).
Before the election of 1960 Kennedy used the result of his newfound celebrity
status to do a bit of travelling across the country. Convering more than thirty
thousand miles in twenty-four states, he made over 150 speeches and appearances
in the course of six weeks. He spoke to various conventions, varying from civic
to labor, farmer to youth. However his senatorial duties enabled him to accept
less than 4 percent of the hundreds of invitations that poured into his office,
mainly consisting of important Democratic canidates or fund-raising dinner
chairmen. As the years progressed the fact materialized that his hard work had
finally begun to pay off. His audiences had became larger and even more
enthusiastic. Therefore at 12:30 P.M., on Saturday, January 2, Senator John
Fitzgerald Kennedy walked into a crowded press conference and read a one-page
declaration of his candidacy for the Presidency (Sorensen 122).

"I am announcing today my candidacy for the Presidency of the United
States. . . . In the past forty months, I have toured every state in the Union
and I have talked to Democrats in all walks of life. My candidacy is therefore
based on the conviction that I can win both the nomination and the election"
(Sorensen 122).

Kennedy's campaign opened on a low note, polls showed that Nixon was far
better known than Kennedy on the basis of his national office and four
nationwide campaigns; that Nixon was looked upon as more experienced; and that
Kennedy was known primarily as a wealthy, inexperienced, youthful Catholic. The
Democrats were in a state of division, while Nixon had successfully rallied the
Republicans. Kennedy took the this time to organized himself and manifest
support for his campaign run, through a steady onlslaught of speeches, and
meetings Kennedy seemed almost to thrive (Sorensen 178). Focusingnot on
singular issues but instead Kennedy expressed his discontent with America's
current situation, he insisted that we could do better.

Kennedy indeed won the election by a very narrow margin, so narrow that
the victory could almost be attributed to any list of decisive factors. However
there are seven that prominantly stick out. The Television Debates. At this
point in American history this was the most televised campaign ever and Kennedy'
s vitality and knowledge appealed to millions of voters who probably would have
simply acknowledged him as too inexperienced and young. One survey showed that
four million voters made up their minds simply by the debates, giving Kennedy a
three-to-one margin (Sorensen 213). Campaign Tactics. Kennedy's vigorous,
intensified campaign style was aggressive from the start instilling a feeling of
unreached potential. His tactics enabled him to swing many undecided voters and
probably even more if time had permitted (Sorensen 214). Party Identification.
Kennedy appealed frequently and aggressively to party unity, loyalty, and
history. His party was the majority party in terms of Senators, Congressmen,
governors, and mayors, this allowed for heavy organization and heavy
registration of voters. Nearly seven million more people that the amount that
voted four years earlier. Black Relations. Kennedy's concerned call to the wife
of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was hailed throughout the black community, which
thenproceeded to vote overwhelmingly for Kennedy.

Do to length constraints the paper will jump ahead to focus on one
example of the President's response to a domestic issue and the President's
view on foreign policy.

"The Fight For Equal Rights" (Sorensen 470). In 1953 John Kennedy was
adamantly in favor of civil rights legislation as a political neccessity and
simply recognized that this legislation was morally correct. However in 1963
Kennedy was deeply committed to human rights. His convictions on this subject
were not converted, but instead reached by his characteristic gradualness, logic,
and cool mentality. He immediately began to implement programs that would
incorporate a stronger black prescence in the legislative and judical branches
of government. However an element that was seriously lacking were civil rights
measures. No amount of Presidential pressure could put through the Eighty-
seventh Congress a meaningful legislative package on civil rights (Sorensen 476).
Kennedy responded to his situation at a press conference by saying, "when I
feel that there is a necessity for Congressional action, with a chance of
getting that Congressional action, then I will recommend it" (Sorensen 476).
Nevertheless Kennedy pushed and pushed first through legislation aimed at
massive registration to massive desegregation. Executive orders barred
segregation or descrimination in the armed forces Reserves, in the training of
civil defense workers, in the off-base treatment of military personnel, in
Federally aided libraries and in the summer college training institutes of the
National Science Foundation and National Defense Education Act.

"The Olive Branch" (Sorensen 509). John Kennedy's approach to foreign affairs
was very different from his approach to domestic problems, this was because
foreign affairs had always appealed to him far more than domestic. They took up
a great deal more of his time and energy as President. They severely tested his
abilities of execution and judgement, and his ability to react to consistent
unforeseeable events. The following two quotes are one of many that sum up his
opinion on foreign policy, "Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never
fear to negotiate" and "We must face up to the chance of war, if we are to
maintain the peace. . . . Diplomacy and defense are not substitutes for one
another. . . . A willingness to resist force, unaccompained by a willing to talk,
could prevoke belligerence--while a willingness to talk, unaccompanied by a
willingness to resist force, could invite disaster. . . . While we shall
negotiate freely, we shall not negotiate freedom. . . . In short, we are
neither "warmongers" nor "appeasers," neither "hard" nor "soft." We are
Americans" (Sorensen 511)

The President faced many crisises whether domestic or foreign. He was
forced to deal with the escalating Cold War, the Cuban Missle Crisis, Civil
Rights, Recession and Inflation. With each issue he faced he responded with
dilligence, careful thought and decisive action. Throught every scenario he
faced from election to the Senate to the Presidential campaign he was able to
expand his ideas and maintain a healthy open attitude. That was the shock of
November, 1963. Jack Kennedy was living at his peak. Almost everything seemed
to be moving in his direction. He was healthy, respected, and looking forward
to the comepletion of his first term and start of his second term. To suddenly
be "cut off" is not simply a loss, but a loss of what could have been. In less
than three years he presided over a new era in American race relations, a new
era in our a Latin-American relations, a new era in fiscal and economic policy
and a new era in the exploration of space. His Presidency helped launch the
longest and strongest period of economic expansion for that period of time, and
new and enlarged roles for the Federal Government in higher education, mental
affliction, civil rights, and the conservation of human and natural resources.
If I was to rate the president I would conclude that since he was the first
Executive power to back the civil rights movement and such that he was indeed a
great president. A man far greater than the legend he left us who truly
believed that one man could make a difference. I feel that what makes him such
a great president is what he stood for, hope in an era of doubt, public service
ahead of private interests, for reconciliation between black and white, labor
and management. His sole defense for such a rating are his actions and his
beliefs. I have to admit that before this report I really knew nothing of J. F.
K. Of course I knew of his assassination but of his legislative and executive
work I knew absolutely nothing except for the work he did for civil rights which
my father informed me of at an early age. However now I feel a great deal more
informed and I found his life rather interesting. If he had not of died he
would be around 86 this year and most likely still very active in the Senate or
some form of political office. Interesting to note the effect his wisdom and
advice could have affected the way the United States is now today.

Bibliography

Theodore C. Sorensen. Kennedy. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. 783 pp.